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"Remembering
Ista" by
Jacinda Mack
Master of Arts Thesis
(excerpt), York University, 2006
The Nuxalk Nation is an
isolated but very politically active indigenous community located in the Bella
Coola Valley on what is now known as the central coast of British Columbia,
Canada. Situated in the heart of the coastal temperate rainforest, the area is
subject to aggressive resource extraction, with the most predominant being
industrial logging.
Although multinational
corporations such as International Forest Products (INTERFOR) have agreements
with the Canadian governments to harvest millions of dollars worth of timber
from Nuxalk Territory, the Nuxalk people themselves
have not been consulted nor have they benefited in any way from these
operations. In fact, the Nuxalk face near crippling poverty with a stable
unemployment rate of over eighty percent for several generations. (Personal
interviews, Nuxalk Nation 2005, 2006)
The Nuxalk heavily rely on
the integrity of the natural environment for subsistence and cultural cohesion,
in addition to upholding their spiritual and physical responsibilities to the
land itself. Unsustainable logging practices have damaged and polluted entire
watersheds; depleting vital salmon stocks, natural vegetation and wildlife that
feed the poverty-stricken nation.
"Ista" is the name
of the first Nuxalk woman, as well as the place and Smayusta (creation story)
that relate her to Tatau, the Creator, as well as the land and people who
descend from her. She is the reason that we dance with blankets at potlatches
and other ceremonial events. We actively remember where we come from each time
we sing and dance her story. But we must understand the story of Ista to fully
appreciate the sacred knowledge we carry.
In 1995, the House of
Smayusta (HOS), comprised of Nuxalk hereditary chiefs, elders and their
supporters, organized a direct action resistance known as the "Stand at
Ista" in attempts to stop the planned clear-cut and raise public awareness
regarding outstanding issues pertaining to their land and human rights.
Proclamations of Nuxalk Sovereignty were issued over the entire Nuxalk Territory,
challenging the authority of the Canadian government and the legitimacy of
INTERFOR's permits regarding harvesting on unceded Nuxalk lands.
The HOS sought to make their
position public and hoped to appeal to the international community, by
enlisting the assistance of the Forest Action Network (FAN), a so-called
'radical' environmental group who utilize non-violent, direct action tactics.
However, this alliance was a difficult one, stemming mostly from FAN's
'outsider' status in both the Nuxalk and wider Bella Coola communities. The
legitimacy of the HOS was further compromised with the messy internal politics
regarding Nuxalk leadership, weakening Nuxalk solidarity in the face of
colonial imposition.
In retrospect, it is
apparent that the internal political turmoil of the Nuxalk community was
exposed by the events of Ista, although some Nuxalk members blame the events at
Ista as the cause of the factionalism. Approximately half of the newly elected
band council did not support the alliance between the House of Smayusta and the
Forest Action Network. The elected chief councillor Archie Pootlass made public
statements against the environmentalists, claiming that their presence would do
more harm than good, as evidenced in other Native communities. (Archie
Pootlass, Broadcast 1, Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, Vancouver, July 8,
1997)
Internal social upheaval
ensued, as Nuxalk members were divided into two general groups:
'traditionalists' who supported the action at Ista, and those who sided with
the status-quo band council. Although people often did not publicly state where
their support was, 'allegiance' to one group or another was often assumed, based
on family ties or employment status within the band. Most families were
politically divided evenly between those who supported Ista and those who did
not.
Despite the labels, many
people claim that they didn't support either side; that the split and
confrontational politics in general were misleading and unhealthy, and they did
not like its effects on their family and community. Allegations of corruption
and lack of authority were made against both elected and traditional leadership,
fracturing families and diverting energy and attention away from saving the
land in question.
Many people within the wider
Bella Coola community, both Nuxalk and non-native, were incensed at the fact
that 'outsider environmentalists' knew more about what was taking place at Ista
than the locals did. In the end, hereditary chiefs from the House of Smayusta,
along with supporting community members and environmental activists were
arrested, and despite another direct action two years later, Ista was eventually
logged as planned.
Eventually, INTERFOR and the
Ministry of Forests closed their offices in Bella Coola, relocating to Port
Hardy, another coastal community, while continuing to log in Nuxalk Territory.
Although the battle for Ista may have been lost, the war against colonialism
was re-ignited. The actions taken at Ista have continued to influence modern
Nuxalk society and identity, as well as contributing to the larger landscape of
environmental awareness and campaigns for protection in areas within and
outside of Nuxalk
Territory.
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